The turnouts over the weekend of March 5 and 6 demonstrated the average Maine voter’s hunger for being included in the presidential nomination process. On Saturday, lines snaked through parking lots as Republicans turned out in record numbers for caucuses, and the same scene replayed the next day as grassroots Democrats showed up to make their voices heard.
It is time for Maine to open the process with a formal secret vote primary.
However, Sen. Eric Brakey, a Republican from Auburn, made a valid point during hearings on LD 1673 — which would have Maine vote in primaries as opposed to caucuses for presidential candidates — when he noted that primaries are the internal concern of political parties, and it would be unfair for the four in 10 registered voters who do not affiliate with a political party to foot the bill for an extra primary.
Estimates range from between $1 million to $2 million to open the polls statewide in every precinct for an exclusive presidential primary.
The simple solution would be to hold the presidential nomination balloting on the same day as the regular local primaries held in June, when no additional expenses would be required.
Some professional politicians bemoan this idea because they want to be players early in the process. However, the nation’s largest state has long held presidential primaries as part of its regular June election.
California legislators said voters registered in a party had every right to voice preference for a nominee, but the costs of a separate presidential primary would have to be paid by the political parties instead of the taxpayers. So the Golden State waits until June.
If it is good enough for the most populous state in the country, why isn’t it good enough for Maine?
Although in recent years California has been an afterthought because the nominees were well decided by June, its primary can be significant. In 1964 conservative Arizona Sen. Barry Goldwater and liberal New York Gov. Nelson Rockefeller were locked in a tight battle for the GOP nomination. California’s June primary was the decider with its large number of delegates tipping the scale. The nascent conservative movement had well-organized grassroots activists at the precinct level, and Goldwater won California, assuring the Republican nomination.
The same scenario looms this year.
Despite her lead in the so-called super delegates (elected officials with strong party ties who get automatic delegate seats), former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton is still locked in a battle with Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders for grassroots delegates. If he can keep close in the intervening primaries and caucuses, California could be the swing vote in June.
California could be even more significant on the Republican side for a variety of reasons. If Texas Sen. Ted Cruz manages to close the delegate gap with business magnate Donald Trump, then the Golden State primary might swing the nomination. If the Stop Trump movement of party insiders manages to stall the Donald’s surge to outright majority, so that they can have a brokered convention, California might be the key player.
Early primaries make some sense to winnow out weaker candidates and narrow the field. In a tightly-contested race, that makes the later decisions in June all the more significant because the June states become power brokers and carry more clout.
Little Maine could become as important as giant California.
New Hampshire and Iowa maneuver to schedule the first-in-the-nation primary and caucus less for political reasons than economic. Those two states generate a lot of revenue from all of the candidate entourages and media hordes coming in the dead of winter when sparse tourism visits keep hotels and restaurants empty.
Voters need to have a say. Structured properly, primaries would dilute the influence of party bosses and give party leadership a signal from the grassroots.
The caucus results told them that there are more progressives in Maine than the labor-bureaucrat Democrat insiders acknowledged and that there are more conservatives and libertarians in Maine than the country club Republican insiders recognized. That’s the way it should be. For good or bad, parties should reflect those who identify with them instead of whom insiders dictate.
However, more Maine voters register unenrolled with a political party. They, too, should be respected, especially because they pay taxes to open the polls. And they’re not subsidizing political parties exclusively by paying for a June primary because they can take non-party ballots at that time to vote for referenda and for selectmen, town councilors and school board members in some municipalities.
Senator Justin Alfond, D-Portland, demonstrated the arrogance of leadership from both political parties when he said at the LD 1673 hearings, “I don’t see why any unenrolled voter is disenfranchised or is paying for something they can’t participate in. They just have to decide to enroll in a party.”
There is good reason why nearly 41 percent of Maine voters do not enroll in a party. They’re fed up with professional politicians and more than willing to let political parties pick their candidates. Presented the choices, they’ll let you know when they vote in November whether your party made a good choice or not.
Vic Berardelli is a retired political consultant and author of “The Politics Guy Campaign Tips — How to Win a Local Election.” Now an unenrolled independent voter, he is a former Republican State Committeeman and former member of the Republican Liberty Caucus National Board.